This amount relates to the Gupta-owned company’s sponsorship of the “Impi” team introduced during the 2011-12 T20 domestic competition in South Africa.

The Impi were drafted in as a short-lived seventh franchise during that season. At the time, reports suggested that the team was cobbled together haphazardly and sold as a “development” side.

The team was based at Willowmoore Park in Benoni which, at the time, was sponsored by the Gupta-owned company, Sahara.

The Impi lasted just one season, having lost 10 out of their 12 fixtures with the other two being wash-outs. CSA were quick to admit their failure on the pitch, but it seems now that there were some serious failures off it, too.

A CSA spokesperson told Scorpio that the money, pledged in sponsorship but never paid over, was written off after several attempts to recoup it failed.

But a failed team isn’t the only deal The New Age had a hand in.

The #GuptaLeaks further reveal that disgraced former CSA CEO Gerald Majola lobbied the Department of Sport and Recreation for “sponsorship” to the tune of R10-million for the second edition of The New AgeFriendship Cup, held in 2012.

The Friendship Cup was a one-off T20 match between South Africa and India, with the first edition in 2011 being marred by accusations it was partly used as a political platform for the ANC.

The second and last edition was held on 30 March 2012, by which time Majola had already been suspended for his role in accepting an undeclared bonus from the Indian Premier League (IPL).

The emails do not show whether the R10-million was ever actually paid and both CSA and then Minister of Sport and Recreation, Fikile Mbalula, say it wasn’t.

The department’s official financial records also show that an amount of R981,000 was transferred to CSA in the 2011-12 financial year.

Mbalula told Scorpio that he “fired” Majola, seemingly referring to the commission of inquiry he instigated against him following the IPL bonus scandal.

But Majola’s brazenness in lobbying for such big amounts of money, all while under investigation, is startling.

E-mails show that on 15 February 2012, Max Fuzani, then special adviser to Mbalula, sent an email to Majola saying: “The Minister have given us the go-ahead to organise this Cricket SA Game with India. We must meet urgently to discuss this matter.”

A few days later, on the afternoon of 20 February 2012, Majola sent a reply to Fuzani, saying: “The purpose of my mail is to formally accept the offer made by the Department of Sport and Recreation after our telephone discussions at 16H00 on 20 February 2012 which is outlined below.

“In bringing the President of the Republic of South Africa’s request on 9 January 2011 to fruition, the Dept of Sport & Recreation shall assist Cricket South Africa host a T20 friendly match between the Proteas and the Indian National Cricket team on 30 of March 2012.

– The friendly match will be followed by a music concert

– The Department of Sport & Recreation shall financially contribute R10-million to Cricket SA to perform the activities mention above.

In order to expedite the process, I kindly request that you insert the attached draft letter on your letterhead, sign and return via email to me at your earliest convenience. Please make the necessary amendments as you deem fit.”

The letter referred to in the emails detailed all the arrangements set out in the email.

Fuzani responded saying that Mbalula could not commit to the budget of the department and that the responsibility rested with Director-General, Alec Moemi.

Fuzani reiterated that the “the Minister agreed in principle to support the event” but added that further documentation “delineating roles of all the stakeholders involved in this important tournament” needed to be provided before there could be sign-off.

Mbalula told Scorpio he does not recall ever being approached about funding.

Majola denied any involvement and referred further queries back to Cricket South Africa.

A formal invitation from Majola’s former PA, inviting President Jacob Zuma to the match, was later forwarded to Ashu Chawla after it was sent to the President’s office.

Almost all of Majola’s communication with the department was also passed on to Nazeem Howa, then CEO of The New Age and to Atul Gupta.

Present at the T20 at the Wanderers in March were a number of high-ranking politicians, including President Jacob Zuma and his son Duduzane. The Presidency even proudly posted a video of the event on their YouTube channel.

How exactly the event was paid for still remains unclear. The Indian National team does not just get on a plane and agree to play a one-off vanity T20 some 8,000km away from home.

CSA say that The New Age paid R500,000 and an “allocation of advertising” for naming rights to the event and an “allocation for advertising” in the paper.

Acting CSA CEO at the time, Jacques Faul, said he had always questioned “the business sense” in the agreement.

Considering the exposure such a T20 received, R500,000 is an astonishingly low figure for such an event and sources have previously claimed that Majola presented no budgets to CSA’s FinCo at the time, but the CSA claims that this was done.

Keep in mind that the exchanges between the department and Majola requesting funding only took place a little over a month before the match was played.

It raises some serious questions over CSA’s governance at the time as well as other deals done under Majola’s reign.

By the time the match actually took place, however, Majola had already been suspended by the CSA for his part in the IPL saga, which saw the 2009 Indian league matches being played in South Africa.

Majola was suspended and later fired for failing to declare to CSA a R1.4-million bonus he negotiated on the side with the IPL.

But even after leaving the CSA, Majola seemingly maintained a relationship with the Guptas. The emails show he often emailed the family with “business opportunities”, including a coal mine and “push to talk” technology. The emails do not reveal if any of these ever came to fruition.

He later travelled, seemingly on the Guptas’ account, to Sachin Tendulkar’s final Test in Mumbai in November 2013 and was invited to the wedding of Varun and Tanvi Gupta in Jaipur – an invitation Majola accepted but later cancelled.

In 2014, a curious email was sent to Ajay Gupta. It was sent from Thando Booi at Border Cricket to Majola and then on to Ajay Gupta with the message: “Please receive a copy of the Warriors/Chevrolet sponsorship agreement which you are offered from 1 May 2015 together with stadium naming rights of both St George’s Park in PE and Buffalo Park in EL which can both be offered immediately.”

The contract that was attached contains all the details of an agreement between the teams and General Motors, signed in 2013. Nothing came of it, but it does raise some questions as to why Majola, somebody who had been suspended for being economical with the truth, would have acted as a middleman between the Guptas and Border cricket. Majola did not respond to our request for comment on the matter.

None of this comes as a surprise, though. The Guptas were central to the IPL being relocated to South Africa in 2009 and have a close relationship with former IPL commissioner Lalit Modi.

Modi is still being sought by the Indian Enforcement Directorate for alleged money laundering and other offences flowing from his early stewardship of the IPL.

In 2010 he fled to London, where he has up until now successfully fended off Indian extradition efforts.

Gary Naidoo, the Guptas’ spokesperson, did not respond to our request for comment.

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Haranath Ghosh’s LinkedIn profile lists him as head of sales and marketing for Infinity Media Networks, the media arm of the Guptas’ business which includes TV station ANN7 and newspaper The New Age.

But he has also held another job, serving as the Gupta family spokesperson on occasions in the past when Gupta actions have required spinning.

Evidence from the #GuptaLeaks emails shows, however, that it was not just the Guptas that Ghosh composed statements for. On at least one occasion, Ghosh also fabricated tweets to be sent out via the Guptas’ army of fake bots.

In September 2015, former Business Day editor Peter Bruce penned a column for the Sunday Times questioning President Jacob Zuma’s son Duduzane’s close relationship with the Gupta family.

The Guptas evidently felt that the charges warranted rebutting.

The #GuptaLeaks emails show that erstwhile The New Age publisher and then Oakbay CEO Nazeem Howa was roped in to compose a letter to be sent to Sunday Times editor Phylicia Oppelt for publication under Duduzane Zuma’s name.

“In my culture I have been taught to be respectful of my elders, so let me start with apologising in advance for taking issue with you and your columnist Peter Bruce for the almost defamatory references to me in his column on Sunday,” the letter begins.

“I know I am a young man, who grew up on the streets of Maputo, Lusaka and Harare before the fall of apartheid, so I am not as well-schooled as either of your good selves in customary business etiquette.”

It proceeds to complain: “Mr Bruce refers to me in the column almost as if I am a commodity that was traded for favours, claiming that I was enriched by the Guptas in order to ‘help’ our president.”

As amaBhungane and Scorpio previously reported, this statement of victimhood is richly ironic given that it was literally written by a Gupta henchman on behalf of Zuma junior.

But the letter alone was clearly not considered enough. What needed to accompany the letter was a flurry of tweets drawing attention to it and expressing support for both Duduzane Zuma and the Guptas.

Enter Haranash Ghosh.

In an email sent to the Guptas’ top brass – among others, Oakbay CEO Ronica Ragavan, Sahara CEO Ashu Chawla and Howa – Ghosh writes on 25 September 2015: “Attached suggested tweets which can be tweaked & tweeted in the social media”.

In the document attached to the email, Ghosh has listed proposed tweets to be broadcast – presumably from the Guptas’ collection of fake Twitter accounts.

The tweets were as follows:

• Good to see Duduzane come out and speak in his defence: Media can be ruthless on young black entrepreneurs Peter Bruce must apologise
• Dudu shd sue this bruce chap : so many innuendos in one article: is it not personal vendetta?
• In our media eyes all successful blacks are corrupt and immoral #sundaytimesfail
• If Guptas are immigrants then all jews are also immigrants: Peter bruce is spreading poison here
• This article by Peter Bruce borders on the line of Xenophobia: Dudu Zuma should demand apology
• Peter Bruce makes sweeping statements in this article- he also knows President hasn’t met guptas after waterkloof- Age catching up with him
• Guptas created over 7000 jobs and stay invested in our country…what is P Bruce’s claim to fame.
• After Duduzane’s response Sunday Times should apologise in their paper-nothing was true in the article.

The race-baiting tone of the fake tweets is doubly questionable if one considers the evidence to emerge from the #GuptaLeaks emails that the Guptas themselves appear to hold some racist, anti-black sentiments.

There is no sign that any of the tweets ended up being used in the direct form that Ghosh proposed, but the hashtag #sundaytimesfail was employed on numerous occasions by one of the Gupta sockpuppet accounts, @luiz_judy.

It remains to be uncovered just how extensive the Gupta network of fake social media accounts was – or is. The casual tone of Ghosh’s email suggests, however, that the use of fabricated tweets to undermine opponents and bolster support for the Guptas may have been routine.

Ghosh failed to respond to a request for comment before deadline.

Gupta lawyer and regular spokesperson Gert van der Merwe has refused to comment on #GuptaLeaks claims, saying: “I have no documents or context or instructions. It is inappropriate.”

Read more: In the non-surprise of the year, WMCLEAKS.com smear campaign tracked to a Gupta associate

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• The amaBhungane Centre for Investigative Journalism is an independent non-profit. Be an amaB supporter to help it do more. Sign up for its newsletter to get more.
• Scorpio is the Daily Maverick’s new investigative unit. If you’d like to support its work, click here.

In 2015, as Brian Molefe and his key lieutenant Anoj Singh moved across to Eskom, the Guptas turned their attention to the power utility’s R40-billion primary energy budget.

The feast was about to begin.

May 2014-September 2014: The Negotiations

To understand how the Guptas captured Eskom, one needs to go back to May 2014, when a company called Goldridge came looking for an Eskom coal contract.

At the time, the Guptas were well-known, having landed both literally and in the public discourse at Waterkloof airforce base in 2013. However, the Guptas’ fledgling mining companies, Goldridge and Tegeta, were still unknown entities.

Minutes from the meeting held at Megawatt Park on May 9 2014 show that there was some confusion about who actually owned their Brakfontein coal mine – Tegeta or another Gupta-owned mining company, Goldridge. It was Tegeta.

It was Ayanda Nteta, now Eskom’s acting head of fuel sourcing, who pointed out during that first meeting that “Eskom prefers dealing with companies that are 50%+1 black-owned” which Tegeta was not.

At the time, almost 50% of Tegeta was owned by Oakbay Investments, and indirectly Gupta brothers Atul and Ajay and their wives Chetali and Shivani.

Another 21.5% was owned by Bhatia International, a controversial Indian coal company that only a few months before had been charged by India’s Central Bureau of Investigations with allegedly supplying substandard quality coal to India’s version of Eskom, complete with forged lab results.

Only the remaining 30%, held by Aerohaven Trading and Oakbay chief executive Ronica Ragavan, was considered black-owned.

Throughout 2014, Eskom officials did not seem overly interested in the coal resources Tegeta had to offer, as minutes of various Eskom meetings reveal. Goldridge had offered the same resource to Eskom in 2012, which Eskom declined.

Still Eskom’s coal procurement officials agreed to play along and do another round of tests. The results were not promising: only a small seam of coal from Brakfontein mine known as “seam 4 lower” was considered suitable.

At a meeting in September 2014, Tegeta “asked if there is any way Eskom can accommodate them as they are only looking to supply [a] small amount of coal” from their stockpile.

Nteta responded that “the power stations that could potentially take coal from Brakfontein have all their needs met for this financial year”. Tegeta persisted, asking about “the possibility of moving some coal in the interim”. Eskom did not budge.

But the Guptas were not going to take no for an answer.

November 2014-January 2015: Enter the Gupta-controlled Board

AmaBhungane understands from sources familiar with the negotiations that Eskom’s coal procurement officials held out as long as they could, but by January 2015, they were receiving pressure “from above” to sign a contract with the Gupta-owned mine.

By this point, Eskom also had a new board. In December 2014, public enterprises minister Lynne Brown replaced eight members of Eskom’s board.

Six out of the eight new appointees – Ben Ngubane, Mark Pamensky, Nazia Carrim, Maria Cassim, Devapushupum Naidoo and Romeo Khumalo – were either family of or had business ties to the Guptas and their business partners, according to the Public Protector’s report.

On January 23 2015, Tegeta came with a new offer. Although Eskom tests found that Brakfontein’s blended product (seam 4 upper and lower) was unsuitable, Tegeta offered to supply the blended product at R15/GJ.

Eskom told Tegeta that the price was too high and to come back with a new offer.
Instead of lowering their price, Tegeta came back a week later with reasons why it needed a higher price.

Minutes from the meeting show that Tegeta’s chief executive Ravindra Nath told Eskom “they have increased their BBBEE ownership and a higher price would be needed to finance the BBBEE partners”.

This was not true – Tegeta only acquired new black shareholders six months later when Salim Essa and Duduzane Zuma were brought on board. Minutes show that Nath also tried to argue that “changes in environmental law as well as royalties justified the need for a higher price”.

Eventually, Eskom agreed to accept Tegeta’s offer to supply 65,000 tons per month of blended coal for five years at R13.50/GJ, roughly R277/ton.

It is unlikely that Eskom officials were aware that around the same time, questions about Brakfontein’s coal were being raised in court.

As part of a case brought by a former mining contractor against Goldridge, an expert geology report was submitted to court that concluded that “…Brakfontein coal deposit could never support a mine of economic importance”.

“Theoretically the poor quality [coal] can be mixed with another coal supply source to produce an acceptable Eskom quality coal feed, but [this] is a pipe dream,” geologist Gerhard Esterhuizen wrote in his report.

The pipe dream was about to be put to the test.

February 2015-March 2015: The Guptas demand more

The Guptas had finally been promised their first Eskom coal contract, but it is apparent they were not satisfied with their relatively modest contract of 65,000 tons/month.

Just four days after Eskom relented and agreed to take Brakfontein’s coal, Tegeta’s chief executive wrote back to Eskom’s general manager of fuel sourcing, Johann Bester, with a new request:

• Increase the amount of coal supplied from 65,000 tons a month to 100,000 tons a month, starting in October,
• Increase the contract from five years to 10 years, and
• Allow Tegeta a grace period of three years before it needed to become 50%+1 black-owned.

Minutes show that during negotiations, Eskom had requested first right of refusal to coal from the as-yet-unopened part of the coal mine known as Brakfontein Extension.  Tegeta was now seeking to convert Eskom’s first-right-of-refusal into a cold, hard contract.

Bester sat on the request for a few days and then wrote back on February 12:

• Eskom would still only agree to take 65,000 tons a month; come October Tegeta could offer Eskom another 35,000 tons a month from Brakfontein Extension, but it would be up to Eskom to decide if it wanted or needed the coal.
• Eskom would still only agree to a contract of five years but there would be an option to extend for another five years when the contract ran out.
• On the BEE requirements, Eskom would agree to a grace period, as it had done with other suppliers, provided that Tegeta remained 50%+1 black-owned for rest of the contract.

Considering that Tegeta’s first coal contract was still not signed – a contract that was awarded without a competitive bidding process – this was an unusually generous concession from Eskom.Tegeta was not happy though.

Nath immediately forwarded Eskom’s letter to Tony Gupta and Salim Essa, saying:

I am not very happy with the wording “Eskom shall [have] an option to enter into an offtake agreement for the additional coal”. Further, ‘option to extend for further five years’. This shows that there is no commitment on the part of Eskom.

It is worth taking a minute to consider this – Tegeta had already used their connections to pressure Eskom to take low quality coal. Now, by refusing to more than triple the contract from roughly R1-billion to R3.8-billion on the basis of a single letter, Eskom was deemed to be showing “no commitment”.

Commitment to what, exactly?

The reply that came from Gupta and Essa is not included in the #GuptaLeaks. But the following day, an emboldened Tegeta wrote back, this time to Nteta, who reported to Bester.

“Kindly recollect our discussions in which I mentioned that we want a 10 years’ contract to satisfy our funders as the loan period is going to be more than 7 years… for the sustainability of the mines we request you to kindly consider the following changes favourably.”

Nath included his proposed changes to the wording of the contract, which would include a 10-year contract and a guaranteed 100,000 tons a month, starting in October.

At this stage, there’s clear evidence that Eskom was aware that Tegeta’s Brakfontein coal mine did not represent the best value-for-money for Majuba power station.

A list of coal suppliers disclosed in the unredacted version of the Denton’s Report shows that in 2015, Majuba power station had seven suppliers – Tegeta delivered the lowest quality coal yet commanded the highest rand per gigajoule rate.

For example, while Tegeta scored R13.50 per GJ, another Delmas-based mine, Kuyasa Mining, was paid R10.41 per GJ. And while Kuyasa as well as four other Majuba suppliers reached Eskom’s target of being 50%+1 black-owned, Tegeta had still not concluded their promised BEE deal.

It is not clear from the #GuptaLeaks what happened over the next two weeks, but on March 9, Eskom relented – Nteta wrote back to Tegeta confirming that Eskom would take 113,000 tons of coal from Brakfontein, starting in October 2015.

The following day, Eskom and Tegeta signed the Brakfontein contract worth R3.8-billion over 10 years.

An unexplained footnote to this saga is that the day after the Brakfontein contract was signed, Eskom’s board suspended four senior executives, including chief executive Tshediso Matona and Matshela Koko, group executive for commercial and technology.

Of the four suspended, only Koko would eventually be reinstated.

March 2015: Problems emerge

Tegeta was due to start delivering coal on 1 April 2015, provided that its coal first passed a combustion test at Eskom’s Research, Testing and Development lab in Germiston – this was not as simple as it sounds since Tegeta’s blended coal had failed to pass two previous tests.

The results of the combustion test, conducted by Eskom’s special-purpose built lab, were delivered two days after the contract was signed. The report, which forms part of an ongoing investigation by Treasury, concluded that Brakfontein’s coal was “not suitable for all power stations”.

Of the 14 power stations in Eskom’s fleet, the coal was considered “not acceptable” for 10, while four were considered “marginal”. Majuba, where Brakfontein’s coal was contracted to go, was one of the power stations marked “not acceptable”.

In particular, the report warned that Tegeta’s plan to blend higher and lower quality coal was risky, saying: “…producing a consistent blend … is difficult to maintain. This can result [in] producing a blend with a hardgrove [index] which is worse than the one analysed, and also surpassing the … ash and CV rejection limit.”

In other words, the coal from Brakfontein mine was too marginal, the risk of the coal quality dipping below the rejection limit on a regular basis too high.

At this point, Eskom should have told Tegeta the deal was off. Instead, Eskom ignored its own technical experts and okayed Tegeta to start delivering coal to Majuba.

March 2015: Ben’s Board

By this point, the Guptas were also starting to throw their weight around with the Eskom board.

On March 19, Nazeem Howa, then-chief executive of Oakbay Investments, sent Salim Essa a statement that he had drafted for the Eskom board to send out announcing that it had decided to relieve chairman Zola Tsotsi of his duties.

In the email Howa refers to the statement as “a first draft”, saying to Essa: “Let me have your thoughts and I will work to polish further.”

Although Tsotsi would only step down two weeks later, it appears the Guptas were not only given advanced warning that the Eskom chairman would resign, but had taken the liberty of drafting a statement for the new chairman, Ben Ngubane.

On Thursday, Tsotsi said he was “not surprised” that the Guptas were privy to information about his removal:

“I suspected my removal was orchestrated by them. In fact, the Guptas told me a couple of weeks before, at the State of the Nation Address [February 12], that if I would not co-operate with them that they will see to it that I am removed as they were the ones who made sure that I was retained as chairman.”

Tsotsi said that at the time he was not aware that his replacement, Ngubane, and several members of the Eskom board had connections to the Guptas.

The #GuptaLeaks show that Ngubane and Essa were already well-acquainted, being business partners in Gade Oil and Gas, a company that tried to gain oil concessions in Central African Republic in 2013.

Two weeks later, the day after Tsotsi resigned, Howa sent Essa an “amended version of the statement for Ngubane, “for your approval”.

The statement that Ngubane released on behalf of the Eskom board later that day differs substantially from Howa’s final draft, but Howa’s fingerprints are clear in a few of his sentences that survived.

One of Howa’s phrases that did not make it into the final statement was that the board “will not tolerate incompetence, tardiness, any dereliction of duty from any member of the Eskom team, saying:

“We know that there is no alternative but to implement several radical solutions.”

Things were about to get a lot more radical at Eskom.

April 2015-June 2015: Enter Molefe and Singh

With Eskom chief executive Tshediso Matona on suspension, Minister Brown announced that she would be moving Transnet chief executive Brian Molefe across to Eskom. Coming with him would be Transnet chief financial officer Anoj Singh.

Invoices show that Singh had already made four trips to Dubai by this point, where he stayed in the luxury Oberoi Hotel, enjoyed spa treatments and was chauffeured around in a limo – all paid for by the Guptas’ Sahara Computers.

Although there’s no record of Molefe visiting the Guptas in Dubai, the Public Protector’s State of Capture report detailed 58 phone calls between Molefe and Ajay Gupta starting soon after Molefe joined Eskom.

The arrival of Molefe and Singh at Eskom ushered in a new era for the Guptas’ mining ambitions.

When Tegeta started delivering coal to Eskom’s Majuba power station in April 2015 production was slow – just 54,041 tons in the first month – but deliveries soon ramped up and by July, Tegeta was delivering and being paid for more than 100,000 tons; far more than the 65,000 tons Eskom agreed to take for the first six months of the contract.

Considering that Tegeta had scored a 10-year contract without participating in a competitive bidding process, this was a major triumph.

But Tegeta now wanted more.

In a new proposal sent to Eskom in June, Tegeta proposed that come October, its mine would deliver 200,000 tons of coal to Eskom, up from the already inflated 113,000 tons agreed to in the contract.

Eskom agreed, provided that Tegeta’s coal passed the required qualify tests. However, as production volumes increased at Brakfontein mine so too did the problems.

A technical report commissioned by Treasury and based on documents from Eskom shows that in August 2015, 34% of Tegeta’s stockpiles were rejected because the quality did not meet Eskom’s specifications.

Eskom insists it did not pay Tegeta for stockpiles that were rejected, but the records provided to Treasury show that Tegeta was still paid for well over 65,000 tons of coal it was contracted to deliver – R35.3m for 122,617 tons in July, R33.2m for 112,207 tons in August, R42m for 139,386 tons in September.

August 2015: Problems emerge

By the end of August 2015, Eskom could not ignore the problems with Tegeta’s coal.

On August 31, Koko – who had recently been reinstated to his position as group executive of technology and commercial – suspended Tegeta’s contract as well as two independent laboratories that were testing Tegeta’s coal.

The suspension of its contract came at an inopportune time for Tegeta. Just three days before Tegeta had written to Eskom with yet another offer, this time to supply an additional 150,000 tons of coal a month – Tegeta would source the coal from other mines and blend it, not as a middleman per se, but a “value-adding trader”.

For most junior coal suppliers, the suspension of a coal contract would be a major crisis. Tegeta seemed undeterred. On September 4, Tegeta increased their offer to supply coal as a value-adding trader to 200,000 tons.

At the same time, Nath wrote back to Koko explaining that despite accredited independent laboratories rejecting numerous samples of being too high in sulphur, Tegeta’s own in-house tests found the sulphur levels to be acceptable.

There is no indication in the #GuptaLeaks that Tegeta sent the result of the in-house tests to Eskom. Despite this, Nath’s letter seems to have sufficed. The following day, Koko lifted Tegeta’s suspension “whilst [Eskom] continues its investigation”.

Koko would later claim in an interview that their investigation found that one of the labs was at fault, saying: “…We had conclusive proof that this lab was fabricating results … that is why we suspended them,” Koko told Carte Blanche in June 2016.

However, an October 2015 report by Dr Chris van Alphen, Eskom’s chief adviser on coal quality, lays the blame squarely on Tegeta and its apparent inability to produce a consistent blend of coal.

According to a technical report prepared for Treasury’s investigation, when three labs analysed what were supposed to be identical samples of Brakfontein’s coal from August 2015, the results varied so dramatically that one technician remarked: “They do not look like the same coals never mind the same samples.”

For Tegeta it was business as usual, but the episode also resulted in four Eskom employees being suspended including Dr Mark van der Riet, Eskom’s most senior coal scientist who was tasked with investigating the discrepancies in Brakfontein’s coal qualities.

Almost two years later, Van der Riet remains on suspension. After Van der Riet and his union representative approached the Labour Court, Eskom finally agreed to hold an internal disciplinary hearing later this month.

“If Mark’s matter is such a serious matter why has it taken more than a year for Eskom to deal with it? Eskom seems to be using delaying tactics, hoping the employee will eventually resign,” Numsa’s Bonny Nyangwa said on Wednesday.

Eskom’s official line is that Van der Riet’s 22-month suspension is not linked to his role in investigating Brakfontein’s coal qualities.

Nyangwa disputes this, and confirmed that Eskom added new charges against Van der Riet earlier this month: breaching Eskom’s confidentiality policy by allegedly forwarding information about the Brakfontein investigation to his personal email address.

September 2015: Tegeta ups the game

Even after Tegeta’s contract was reinstated, Brakfontein’s coal continued to periodically fail lab tests, according to Treasury’s technical report.

In September 2015, for instance, 38% of Tegeta’s stockpiles were rejected, most for having excessively high sulphur levels, the cause of toxic sulphur dioxide air pollution.

There’s no evidence that Eskom was deeply concerned by this development. Instead, starting October, Tegeta increased deliveries to Majuba power station to more than 200,000 tons a month.

Keep in mind that this was during summer, when Eskom’s coal requirements have always been lower. Despite this, Tegeta was now delivering three times what was originally agreed to in the January 2015 negotiations with Eskom.

For the next several months, Tegeta reaped the rewards despite there being no evidence that any other mines were given an opportunity to bid to supply extra coal to Majuba.

At the same time Tegeta was also pushing Eskom to agree to their long-standing proposal to become a “value-adding trader”. Finally, at the end of September, Eskom official Thabani Mashego pushed back.

In a tone that the Guptas must have been unused to hearing, Mashego told Tegeta chief executive Ravindra Nath in an email:

“Eskom will be going out on open enquiry to fulfil their coal shortfall requirements going forward. Tegeta is therefore advised to respond to such enquiries, which will be advertised in the print media and the Eskom Tender Bulletin shortly.”

Nath wrote back the next day, essentially instructing Eskom to sign the contract.

“[W]e have to advise that on the basis of the letter and the subsequent meeting thereafter we have already tied up the coal offtake and it is not possible to come out of it. We therefore request you to arrange for the contract in this regard.”

It is not clear whether Eskom capitulated and signed this contract – this is one of the many questions that Eskom chose not to answer. Either way, Tegeta did not need this off-take agreement – it was about to become a major coal supplier to Eskom.

April 2015-December 2015: Next Target: Optimum

It is worth taking a step back for a minute to understand how the Glencore-owned Optimum coal mine became a target in Tegeta’s rapidly expanding coal empire.

Hidden in the #GuptaLeaks is a letter addressed to Glencore’s chief executive Clinton Ephron. Dated April 13, the letter was from Dam Capital, representing the little-known Endulwini Consortium, and contained an offer to buy Optimum Coal as well as Optimum’s Richards Bay export allocation for $200-milllion.

“We have commenced putting together a consortium of South African investors, led by Black people, with an established presence in the mining industry,” the letter reads, “[t]he identity of whom will be disclosed as we reach an agreement that the assets are available for sale.”

No more is heard from Endulwini or Dam Capital in the cache of leaked emails, and it is not clear if the Guptas were the anonymous investors referred to in the letter.

What we do know from the Public Protector’s report is that in July, Glencore received an almost identical offer to buy Optimum Coal from KPMG representing an anonymous client.

When Glencore questioned KPMG it discovered the bid had come from Oakbay.

Glencore refuses to comment on the Dam Capital offer, and we know from the Public Protector’s report that it rejected the similar overtures by KPMG.

Soon though, Glencore was facing new problems from Eskom as newly appointed Eskom chief executive Brian Molefe took a hardline approach, refusing to renegotiate the price Eskom paid for Optimum’s coal.

At R150/ton Optimum was sinking deeper and deeper into financial trouble. In August, Glencore placed the mine in business rescue in a bid to stave off liquidation, but Molefe remained unmoved.

Instead it is alleged that Molefe and Eskom chairman Ben Ngubane tried to persuade mines’ minister Ngoako Ramatlhodi to cancel Glencore’s other mining rights in a bid to force Glencore to capitulate.

On August 7, after Optimum’s mining licence was briefly suspended and then reinstated by the Department of Mineral Resources, a Gupta lieutenant, Ashu Chawla, received an email from someone only identified as “Business Man” using the email address “infoportal1@zoho.com”.

Attached to the email was a letter Optimum’s business rescue practitioners had sent to Eskom’s senior executives regarding Optimum’s mining right suspension.

The letter itself is not particularly explosive, but what is apparent is that someone with access to confidential information in Eskom was leaking it to the Guptas.

“Business Man” features in the #GuptaLeaks again in November when Matshela Koko forwarded two emails from his private Yahoo email address to “Business Man”, both containing confidential Eskom information.

In one, Koko asks “Business Man” to pass the Eskom documents on to “the Boss” – the email was then forwarded to “Western”, another anonymous email address that appears to be a proxy for one of the Gupta brothers.

In the second email Koko passed on a sensitive legal opinion exposing how weak Eskom’s position was in their ongoing battle with Optimum Coal. Again, “Business Man” and “Western” passed these on to Chawla.

A day later, Koko sent a particularly vitriolic letter to the business rescue practitioners, threatening to review all of Glencore’s other Eskom contracts – it is not clear how, but the #GuptaLeaks show that Tony Gupta was given an advanced copy of Koko’s letter.

A few days later, the business rescue practitioners signed a term sheet with the Guptas, formally entering negotiations to sell Optimum Coal.

We can also see from the #GuptaLeaks that on December 2, when mines minister Mosebenzi Zwane failed to board his official flight from Zurich to Dubai, he was allegedly on board the Guptas’ Bombardier jet, ZS-OAK, along with Tony Gupta and Salim Essa.

The former Public Protector’s report concluded that Zwane had played a central role during the negotiations in Zurich where Glencore agreed to sell Optimum to the Guptas.

What her report was unable to explain however was how the minister got from Zurich to Dubai – from the #GuptaLeaks we now have evidence that Zwane spent the next two days in India with the Guptas before flying back to Dubai and catching his official flight back to Johannesburg.

December 2015: The R1.68-billion prepayment

By early December, the Guptas were finally about to get their hands on Optimum Coal.

Thanks to Koko, insisting at the last minute that Glencore sell the entire Optimum Coal Holdings portfolio, Tegeta would not only be buying the loss-making Optimum Coal Mine, but also Koornfontein Mines and a 5.5m-ton/year export allocation at Richard’s Bay.

Tegeta now needed to find a way to pay for it. The problem was that Tegeta would not be paying the R2.15-billion purchase price to Glencore, but to a consortium of three banks which had loaned money to Glencore during a period of several years.

On December 8, Tegeta chief executive Ravindra Nath met with First National Bank, Investec and Rand Merchant Bank and put a proposal on the table: Tegeta would settle an undisclosed portion of the debt now and the rest would be paid to banks in 11 monthly instalments.

The banks politely but firmly declined and told Tegeta they wanted the full debt settled.

Around the same time, Tegeta also called a meeting with Koko. We know about this meeting because it is referred to in a letter sent to Koko on December 9 and disclosed in the #GuptaLeaks.

Based on the letter we can deduce that Eskom agreed in principle to give Tegeta a massive R1.68-billion upfront payment for future coal deliveries from Optimum Coal.

It appears from the #GuptaLeaks that Tegeta wanted to use their yet-to-be acquired mine to secure a sizeable chunk of money from Eskom – money that could then be used to pay the purchase price of Optimum.

Tegeta appears to have been so confident of receiving the payment that Koko was requested “to kindly send us a written confirmation regarding the payment for supply of coal amounting to R1,680,000,000 (Rand one billion six hundred and eighty million)”.

Nath finished off his letter by attaching the Guptas’ lawyers bank details to the bottom of the page.

It is not clear from the #GuptaLeaks if Tegeta received the R1.68-billion prepayment it requested. On the same day Koko received the prepayment request, Zuma fired Nhlanhla Nene as finance minister, triggering the political equivalent of a nuclear bomb ripping through the markets.

By Monday 14 December, sanity had prevailed and the Guptas’ hand-picked finance minister Des van Rooyen was shifted out of Treasury.

It is possible that the entrance of Pravin Gordhan as finance minister put any plans of a R1.68-billion prepayment on hold. But the Optimum deal was by no means off the table.

On December 16, Eskom CFO Anoj Singh flew to Dubai – the trip, paid for by the Guptas, cost AED20454 (R71,610). In January, Koko followed suit, staying at the Oberoi Hotel for two nights at the Guptas’ expense.

The #GuptaLeaks provide no detail on whether Singh or Koko met with the Guptas during this time or what they spoke about if they did. However, based on the largesse that was about to flow in the Guptas’ direction, we should be deeply concerned by meetings such as these.

January 2016: A red-carpet welcome

Although Tegeta would only formally take ownership of Optimum Coal in April, from January 1, Tegeta was running the mine for its own profit or loss.

Tegeta was now supplying Majuba power station from their Brakfontein mine, Hendrina power station from Optimum, and Komati power station from Koornfontein mine.

The great mystery of the Guptas’ bid to grab Optimum was how they planned to turn a mine that was haemorrhaging R100-million a month and turn it into a profitable venture.

The assumption was that Eskom’s reluctance to renegotiate the price of R150/ton that Optimum received would fall away as soon as the Guptas took over the mine.

But Eskom’s refusal to renegotiate the price had become such a cornerstone of Eskom’s fight with Glencore that there was no way to change the price now.

The dilemma was quickly solved because by January, Eskom had conveniently cleared the way for Optimum to start supplying coal to Arnot power station in Mpumalanga.

In 2015, Eskom had taken the decision not to renew Exxaro’s cost-plus contract to supply Arnot as the price Eskom paid for the coal had become unsustainably high, sometimes exceeding R1,000/ton.

That decision may have made financial sense. What made less sense was Eskom’s decision to terminate a second Arnot contract, this time with Mafube, a joint venture between Exxaro and Anglo American that mines coal just north of the N12 highway and supplies it via a long conveyor belt system to Arnot power station.

Eskom’s Denton’s report shows that in July 2015, Mafube provided the cheapest coal on Eskom’s books at a fixed price of R132/ton. The coal was not great quality, but since 2004 the mine had delivered 1.18m tons a year to Arnot power station.

According to Denton’s report the contract was due to run until the end of 2023. Exxaro’s spokesperson Mzila Mthenjane will only say that the contract came to an end.

However, Exxaro’s own annual report refers to “Eskom’s decision to terminate the Mafube supply agreement”, and according to a source familiar with the operations, the contract was cancelled without reason in December 2015.

By the end of January, a steady stream of 30-ton coal trucks was running from Optimum mine to Arnot power station roughly 60km away.

And while Optimum received R150/ton for coal delivered to Hendrina power station, Optimum scored R470/ton for coal delivered to Arnot power station, excluding transport costs. The cost of transporting the coal – another R60/ton or R1,800/truck – was paid by Eskom.

Eskom maintains that the coal delivered to Arnot justified a higher price on the basis that the coal had a lower abrasiveness index – this version is disputed by numerous sources familiar with the on-the-ground operations.

Later, when demand for coal at Arnot rose, and Optimum no longer had enough coal to supply both contracts, Eskom appears to have obligingly reduced the amount of coal Optimum was required to deliver to Hendrina power station, freeing up additional coal for the more lucrative Arnot contract.

January 2016-February 2016: Brakfontein goes on sale

Around the same time, Tegeta announced it would sell Brakfontein mine with its Eskom contract to Shiva Uranium, a subsidiary of the Guptas’ listed company Oakbay Resources and Energy – Tegeta would transfer Brakfontein and all its contracts to Shiva and in exchange Tegeta would receive shares in Shiva worth R2.1-billion.

On February 24, Oakbay’s shareholders approved the deal, and Brakfontein became part of the newly formed Shiva Coal. However, even though the mine changed hands, Eskom kept paying Tegeta for the coal.

AmaBhungane discovered this after submitting a PAIA request to Eskom for a list of Eskom’s coal suppliers and their percentage of black ownership – the list we received in March this year did not include Oakbay or Shiva.

In terms of the Public Finance Management Act, Eskom has to pay the rightful owner of the coal it receives. However, Eskom’s own records show that Tegeta continued to receive payments for Brakfontein’s coal for months after the mine was sold.

Sources say that as of last month Tegeta was still receiving the payments for Brakfontein’s coal.

When we queried this with Eskom in a meeting in April, Ayanda Nteta, the outspoken executive from the 2014 meetings, told us: “In terms of Brakfontein, my understanding is that Shiva Uranium has bought in shares in terms of Brakfontein so there was a flow through… The contract we have is with Tegeta, that’s why … Shiva wouldn’t be listed.”

In fact, Shiva did not buy the shares in Brakfontein or Tegeta. Instead the circular is explicit that Shiva bought the mine with its contract. Shiva is now the rightful owner of the coal, but instead Eskom is continuing to pay Tegeta.

“We will look into that. Our legal people understand in terms of the flow through and who bought the shares,” Nteta said.

Eskom has failed to respond to any follow-up questions on the issue. Questions were also sent to Oakbay Resources & Energy two weeks ago – chairman George van der Merwe responded last week confirming that Shiva had bought the Brakfontein mine with its contract but offered no explanation for why Tegeta was still being paid.

February 2016: Briefly empowered, always empowered

It is hard to imagine why a JSE-listed company like Oakbay would allow Eskom to pay another company for its coal. The answer may lie in Eskom’s requirement that its coal suppliers be 50%+1 black-owned.

“We have a shareholder compact which targets us to spend at least 40% of our total procurement on black suppliers. Coal being the biggest commodity, the more we can do it on coal the easier it gets,” Edwin Mabelane, Eskom’s head of procurement, told amaBhungane.

When the original Brakfontein contract was signed in 2015, it contained a suspensive condition – Tegeta needed to reach Eskom’s black empowerment target of 50%+1 by 2018 and remain empowered for the rest of the contract.

“In terms of [Tegeta’s] contract, they were given a certain period; we said to them, ‘You have a [10-year] contract, you need to move to black-owned within a certain amount of time,’” Nteta confirmed.

In November 2015, just before Tegeta bought Optimum Coal, Tegeta reached that target when Duduzane Zuma and Salim Essa became shareholders through Elgasolve and Mabengela Investments respectively.

As a result, Tegeta’s black-owned shareholders own 775 shares versus the 774 shares held by Oakbay and several off-shore companies – through a byzantine share structure the majority of control still rests with members of the Gupta family and two Gupta-controlled companies registered in Dubai.

However, this raises an interesting question: if Shiva takes possession of the contract as it is legally entitled to do, would Shiva be required to become 50%+1 black-owned by next year?

And if Shiva failed to become majority black-owned, would Eskom be entitled to cancel the contract even though it is still scheduled to run until 2025?

In other words, for the Brakfontein contract, does once empowered (albeit briefly) mean always empowered?

Currently, Shiva is 41% black-owned thanks to Tegeta and another Duduzane Zuma-owned company, Islandsite Investments 255. However, due to the complicated share structure, more than 50% of the Shiva is owned by members of the Gupta family.

April 2016: Eskom asks Treasury for even more

It has been well-established that throughout 2016, Tegeta raked in almost R1-billion from their “emergency” contract supplying coal to Arnot power station.

Unfortunately, the #GuptaLeaks provide no further detail on the Guptas’ dealings with Eskom beyond the early negotiations in 2016.

In April 2016, Eskom delivered on part of the prepayment Koko promised when, in a late-night special tender committee meeting, Eskom agreed to prepay Tegeta R587-million for coal. Eskom’s decision came just hours after the consortium of banks refused to provide Tegeta with a R600-million bridging loan.

In August, Treasury refused Eskom’s request to extend Tegeta’s contract to supply Arnot power station by another R855-million over six months.

However, Treasury gave conditional approval to Eskom to sign a R7-billion expansion to the Koornfontein contract to supply Komati power station for the next seven years, provided that there were no other potential suppliers. Eskom appears to have ignored this condition and handed the contract to Tegeta two weeks later.

By this point, Brakfontein’s deliveries to Majuba power station were back down to the contractual 113,000 tons of coal a month.

A few days later, Eskom returned to Treasury with a new request – Brakfontein had more coal to offer and Eskom wanted to extend the contract by another R2.9-billion.

During the interview in April this year, Eskom explained that the request for a R2.9-billion expansion of the Brakfontein contract was as a result of Eskom’s earlier agreement from June 2015 to increase deliveries to Majuba power station to 200,000 tons of coal a month.

“What Eskom decided to do was [to be] more proactive – because actually it was agreed on prior and we should have just continued – we opted to inform National Treasury to say, ‘By the way we were supposed to get [a certain number of tons] and this [additional amount] was supposed to kick in in October. We would like to now exercise this requirement,’” Nteta said.

What Eskom was asking for was to increase the already inflated contract from R3.8-billion to R6.7-billion. Treasury baulked and told Eskom it could not support Eskom’s decision to take further coal from Brakfontein until the year-long Treasury investigation was completed.

2017: Eskom on the ropes

We’re now in mid-2017 and the empire that the Guptas built at Eskom is crumbling.
Brian Molefe has been removed as chief executive, Matshela Koko is under investigation and unlikely to return to his position as acting chief executive.

Meanwhile both Parliament and Treasury are demanding answers to know why Eskom rolled out red-carpet treatment for the Guptas.

By our calculation the Guptas have received contracts worth R11.7-billion from Eskom for coal alone.

None of these contracts was awarded as the outcome of a competitive bidding process, and the R11.7-billion does not include the contracts that Tegeta inherited when it bought Optimum Coal, nor does it include invoices totalling R419-million for management consulting and advisory services delivered to Eskom by Trillian Capital Partners, a company majority owned by Salim Essa.

Last week, we wrote to Eskom asking how it planned to deal with allegations contained in the #GuptaLeaks considering that Eskom’s former chief executive (Molefe), Eskom’s former acting chief executive (Koko), Eskom’s chief financial officer (Singh), Eskom’s chairman (Ngubane) and half of Eskom’s board were named and potentially implicated by the emails.

Eskom chose not to respond to the three pages of questions we sent; instead spokesperson Khulu Phasiwe said Eskom supports minister Lynne Brown’s decision to institute an investigation via the Special Investigating Unit into all the allegations against Eskom and will fully co-operate with the investigation.

“As you may be aware, the Minister of Public Enterprises Lynne Brown said … that she is in the process of instituting an inquiry into these allegations with the aim of getting to the bottom of these matters once and for all.

Eskom supports the establishment of this enquiry, and will co-operate with the investigators once that process gets underway.

In addition, the National Treasury has also been investigating these contracts since July 2015, and as the Treasury has informed Scopa … it is happy with the level of co-operation it is getting from Eskom in getting to the bottom of these allegations.”

The Gupta family’s lawyer did not respond to similarly detailed questions, but told amaBhungane that the Guptas could not comment on the #GuptaLeaks until they had a copy of the leaks in their possession.

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The key, as they saw it, was to win some of the lucrative government advertising their existing media assets have benefited from – through pro-government positioning.

Should the Guptas buy the Mail & Guardian? This was the question being mooted by the family in early January 2016, when they traded emails discussing the matter they had codenamed “Project M”.

As The Times reported on Monday, the Guptas weighed up the possibility of buying the newspaper to reposition it as a pro-government, pro-Zuma, pro-Gupta newspaper, and thereby win valuable government advertising contracts.

But the Mail & Guardian was not the only media outlet in the Guptas’ sights – and certainly not the most desirable. It was Primedia – the company which owns radio stations including 702 and Cape Talk; the Eyewitness News service; and Ster-Kinekor – that a Gupta employee characterised as “the jewel in the crown”.

In a memo sent to Tony Gupta on 3 December 2014, Oakbay’s Vim Rajbansi announced: “We are studying Primedia…We have started bringing them to the table to talk. We have done a high level financial valuation on the entity.”

He stated that one of the group’s major shareholders, private equity firm Brait, was looking to sell its stake in Primedia, and that there were “legacy issues” with another shareholder, the Mineworkers’ Investment Company (MIC).

Emails show that two months previously, Nazeem Howa and other Oakbay executives had met with Clifford Elk, CEO of MIC. “[Howa] discussed our business model and Clifford bought in,” Rajbansi reported.

“Primedia needs to make decisions and act. We are not desperate buyers and they not desperate sellers so our talk of collaborating on media business to add value to the business model [sic]. We want to expand our business and there is a strategic fit.”

Elk reportedly said that he would discuss the Guptas’ offer to buy a 51% stake in the company with fellow shareholders Brait. In a later email, Rajbansi elaborated on the plan: “We merge with Primedia and list together [on the stock exchange] in 3 years.”

A presentation on the proposed Primedia merger, from November 2014, explains the rationale further. “As we grow we need to do bigger investments,” it reads. “Smaller ones become irrelevant. Bigger bits of big companies at acceptable prices.

The Primedia merger is the biggest deal. Target investments that would show the company as a serious business partner and a significant player in the media industry.”

It continues: “Where can we be together in five years? Primedia has gaps in their portfolio and we successfully entered television.” The presentation also suggests: “Consolidation will be good for the [media] industry.”

A meeting was scheduled with Primedia’s erstwhile chairman Kuben Pillay in January 2015. From there, the track goes cold on the leaked emails.

Was Rajbansi exaggerating the level of interest in the proposal to impress his boss?

“The board of Primedia never considered a transaction with the Guptas,” Primedia CEO Roger Jardine said on Tuesday. “I am not aware of any discussions between a director or shareholder of Primedia with the Guptas or their representatives.”

With regard to the question of whether Primedia would have been open to a hypothetical merger with the Guptas, Jardine said: “The board and shareholders of Primedia are very mindful of the need for a strong and independent media in South Africa. I can confidently state that if a transaction of this nature was ever tabled at our board it would receive no support.”

The Guptas may have failed to secure stakes in the Mail & Guardian or Primedia, but they progressed further with another plan – to buy into Independent Media, publishers of 18 South African newspapers.

Back in happier times, the Guptas enjoyed a close friendship with Iqbal Surve, the chair of Independent Media’s owners Sekunjalo. Surve, his wife and two children were guests at the wedding of the Guptas’ niece in Sun City in 2013. Emails show that Surve even had his PA request a better hotel room for him at the wedding, as “Dr Surve is a good friend of the Guptas”.

Things soured, however, after Surve entered into negotiations to buy Independent Media in 2012. As amaBhungane previously reported, Surve offered the Guptas a conditional stake in his consortium at the time that amounted to 27.5% of Independent Media – which would have been a bigger stake than Surve’s own.

The idea was that the Guptas would bring to the table experienced media hands like Nazeem Howa, and financial help with the Independent buyout.

What would the Guptas get in return? For one thing, the right to appoint the editors of newspapers like the Cape Times and The Star. This has been confirmed by the leaked emails. In an April 2015 email to Oakbay’s lawyer, Howa writes: “The appointment of [Independent] editors was a hard-won victory in the negotiations.”

The Guptas had already made a play to purchase Independent Media on their own, and been rejected. Going through Surve represented another bite at the cherry. But Surve reneged on his pact with the Guptas amid a dispute over what the shares were worth, and the two parties have been locked into legal processes since.

In February 2016, Surve approached the Public Investment Consortium, which helped finance Sekunjalo’s Independent Media purchase, to ask whether the PIC would give its blessing to the Guptas taking such a large stake of Independent.

The PIC’s chief executive Dan Matjila cited the possibility of “anti-competitive behaviour” in his response, and resolved that it would not “be in the best interest of our investment” to approve this move.

Oakbay’s lawyer Gert van der Merwe told amaBhungane at the time that all that Matjila’s decision revealed was that Majitla was “biased, ill-advised and not authorised to express an opinion”.

At time of writing, then, the Guptas have thrice been rebuffed in attempts to extend their media holdings in South Africa. To envisage what would have happened to the three respective media outlets if they had been successful in these plans, we have the example of The New Age and ANN7.

On Tuesday, the Democratic Alliance announced that a reply to a DA parliamentary question revealed that the government Communications Department spent R988,689.84 on a single The New Age breakfast briefing in May 2016. An Oakbay brochure boasts that the company has hosted 50 such breakfasts, amounting to taxpayer sponsorship of potentially up to R50-million.

This is in addition to the R4-million spent by the Free State Provincial Government on The New Age advertising in 2016; R1-million from the SABC in The New Age subscriptions in 2016; and a further R10-million spent by the Communications Department on advertising in the newspaper in 2015. There have been many millions more of taxpayers’ money landing in the Guptas’ coffers in this way.

The deal is clear: The New Age wins the lion’s share of government advertising, in exchange for producing a pro-government newspaper. Emails show that the plan for making the Mail & Guardian profitable was identical: change the editorial positioning to pro-government, and watch government advertising stream in.

No doubt the same approach would have been taken with Primedia’s media outlets and the Independent newspapers.

There is no evidence from the emails that the question of what this would have done to a free and vibrant media in South Africa exercised the Guptas in the slightest. As their Primedia proposal stated: “We are investors – we invest at acceptable prices because we look to profit from the result of the enterprise.”

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It may have displeased the Guptas’ pals in high places, for instance, to learn that the family was hoping to persuade the Dalai Lama to attend an ANN7 event in 2014 as an honoured guest.

“Your Holiness,” began the letter signed by former Oakbay Investments CEO Nazeem Howa.

“I write to you on behalf of the shareholders and management of African News Network, South Africa’s youngest and most technologically advanced television news station, to invite you to be our special and honoured guest on September 6, 2014 at the inaugural South African of The Year awards ceremony which will take place as part of our first anniversary celebrationof” [sic].

The letter was dated 18 August 2014, meaning that ANN7 was giving the Dalai Lama under three weeks’ notice of the event they wanted him to be present at.

Howa outlines what the evening would consist of – “a musical journey through South Africa’s 20 years of freedom” – and assures the Tibetan spiritual leader that the event “will be attended by leading opinion-shapers across the spectrum”.

The CEO proceeds to make some bold claims about the Guptas’ TV station.

“Since its launch, ANN7 has been receiving accolades for its coverage of, among others, Madiba’s death and funeral and the 2014 national elections,” he writes. “It is fast transforming the broadcast landscape in our country with pioneering and innovative concepts.”

Howa concludes: “We hope you will join us as our special guest to hand over the Lifetime Achievement award as well as to help us celebrate the remarkable strides we have made as a news channel over the past twelve months as well as the achievements of remarkable South Africans.”

After sending the letter to the office of the Dalai Lama, Howa forwarded it to Sahara CEO Ashu Chawla.

Chawla in turn sent the mail on to Naresh Khosla, who was the vice-president of Sahara’s Indian operations until leaving in late 2015. “I’ll work on this and revert in the morning,” Khosla replied.

Since 1959, the Dalai Lama has been living in exile in the northern Indian city of Dharamsala.

E-mails show that Khosla had previously served as a go-between in dealing with visas for Indian citizens visiting Sahara Computers in Johannesburg.

He had on several occasions asked officials at South Africa’s Department of International Relations and Co-operation for assistance in expediting the visas of Indian guests of the Guptas to South Africa.

If Khosla did attempt to intercede, his efforts were in vain. By August 20, Howa had received a response from Tenzin Taklha, the Dalai Lama’s secretary.

“I regret to inform you that His Holiness will not be able to accept,” wrote Taklha. “His Holiness’ travel schedule for 2014 and even parts of 2015 has already been finalised and it will not be possible to consider your invitation. In all honesty, we receive many invitation requests for His Holiness and it is not possible for us to accept the majority mainly due to the lack of time in His Holiness’ full schedule.”

Planning documents for the event the Dalai Lama was invited to – ANN7’s 2014 South African of the Year award ceremony – show that the organisers had hoped that the Dalai Lama would present a “Spirit of Humanity” award together with Archbishop Desmond Tutu. The minutes of a planning meeting for the event record: “Need to properly address Dalai Lama”.

In the unlikely event that the Dalai Lama had accepted ANN7’s invitation, even the Guptas might not have had the necessary clout to see the South African government issue him with a visa.

The Tibetan Holy Leader has been unable to enter South Africa for the last 13 years, having been refused an entry visa in 2009 and 2011. To deny the Dalai Lama a visa to attend Archbishop Desmond Tutu’s 80th birthday celebrations, but allow him one to walk the red carpet at the ANN7 awards, may have raised some eyebrows.

Given that the Dalai Lama’s office turned down the invitation, we will never know what would have happened if he had accepted. There is no evidence from the leaked e-mails to suggest that the Guptas or their employees discussed the matter with anyone from the South African government.

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The files suggest that the Guptas took care of his every need, from paying for a Mauritian getaway for him and his then girlfriend in 2012, to funding his lavish multimillion-rand marriage to Shanice Stork in April 2015, to setting him up with an R18-million Dubai apartment in the world’s tallest skyscraper, the iconic Burj Khalifa.

The Gupta circle was also privy to some of his most sensitive secrets, with Gupta associate Ashu Chawla seemingly enjoying access to Zuma’s private gmail account, which shows the same ex-girlfriend sending him suggestive pictures just a day after his new wife told him she was pregnant with their first child.

On the night of February 1, 2014, when Zuma lost control of his Porsche on a rain-soaked Johannesburg highway and slammed into the back of a minibus taxi, killing Phumzile Dube, the first person he telephoned was the youngest Gupta brother, Rajesh “Tony” Gupta, the e-mails show.

The #GuptaLeaks also show that when the Sunday Sun approached the Gupta family in April 2015 saying Duduzane had allegedly made another woman pregnant, the Gupta machine was wheeled into action, providing spin from Oakbay chief executive Nazeem Howa.

Later, company lawyer Gert van der Merwe provided advice on the terms of a R3.5-million maintenance settlement for the child and his mother.

Meanwhile, Duduzane flew backwards and forwards, usually first class; drove fancy cars bought by Gupta group companies; or was chauffeured by limousine and stayed in five-star hotels, among them the Oberoi in Dubai and the Hotel National in Moscow.

Gupta lackeys took care of tiresome details, like sorting out travel arrangements – or mopping up the demands for some R180,000 in arrears on municipal charges that he had built up on his Saxonwold abode, around the corner from the Gupta compound.

While various company resources were used in meeting Duduzane’s expenses – including his wedding celebrations at Zimbali and Nkandla – it is not impossible that these benefits were offset somewhere within the Gupta group’s labyrinthine accounts.

They also paid him extremely well: In March 2015 he drew R300,000 per month in director fees, more than any other director, including the Gupta brothers.

What was his value to the Guptas that justified this largesse? Glimpses of this role are visible in the #GuptaLeaks.

On 29 June 2015 at 10:54 Duduzane received an e-mail from a secretive intermediary account, infoportal1@zoho.com, which the e-mail trove suggests was used as a cut-out for sensitive communication with Gupta agents.

The e-mail was a forwarded message from a little-known Free State official, Richard Seleke, who wrote: “Evening sir, please find attached my CV and supporting documents. Regards Richard.”

A few months later Seleke was appointed to the post of director-general in the national department of public enterprises, which has oversight of SAA, Eskom, Transnet and other strategic state-owned companies.

As has previously been reported, the same pattern was followed with the appointment of Mosebenzi Zwane as mining minister.

On Saturday, August 1, 2015 Tony Gupta forwarded an e-mail to Duduzane attaching the “CV of MJ Zwane”, then a Free State MEC already associated with the Guptas via his championing of their controversial Estina dairy project in Vrede.

Duduzane’s father, President Jacob Zuma, appointed Zwane on September 23, 2015 after the incumbent minister, Ngoako Ramatlhodi, became an obstacle to the Gupta campaign to buy the Optimum coal mine.

Ramatlhodi recently revealed that Duduzane had tried to get him to meet the Guptas, but that he resisted their advances.

That is born out by another e-mail, where the chief executive of the Guptas’ JIC mining shares with Duduzane his frustrated efforts to get Ramatlhodi to join an event hosted under JIC mining at the prestigious mining indaba in Cape Town.

We will probably never know if President Zuma signed the draft letters in his name that were sent to his son by senior Gupta employee Ashu Chawla in January 2016, flattering the rulers of the United Arab Emirates and asking for their blessing to make Dubai the Zuma family’s “second home”.

The Zuma name is clearly used to open doors, especially with officials.

On November 16, 2012, Chawla wrote to a Ms Boitumelo at the department of home affairs to try and get work permit waivers, noting: “As discussed with Mr Duduzane I am forwarding you the detail to get the waiver for 3 employees.”

On 17 February 2015, when the Guptas had an issue with the water licence at their Vierfontein mine, Duduzane wrote to an Anil Singh at the department of water affairs.

Singh wrote back almost immediately: “Hi Dudu. My team shall attend urgently and revert asap.”

When the Guptas wanted to impress Indian political figures, they also wheeled out Duduzane, promising the new chief minister in their home state of Uttar Pradesh that the “South African president’s office will be represented for the UP CM oath taking ceremony by his son H E Mr Duduzane Zuma”.

In September 2015 the Sunday Times published a pained but polished letter from Duduzane berating the paper for a critical column written by veteran editor Peter Bruce.

“Bruce refers to me … almost as if I am a commodity that was traded for favours, claiming that I was ‘enriched’ by the Guptas in order to ‘help’ our president,” Duduzane complains.

Except it wasn’t Duduzane.

The e-mails show that, like so much of the Gupta narrative, the letter was a fake construct, penned largely by Howa, and designed to hide the obvious: a pretty playboy and an ugly truth.

Yes, Mr Zuma, you are a commodity.

• No one named in this story was contacted for comment. This is permitted by the South African Press Code in a situation where a publication “has reasonable grounds for believing that by doing so it would be prevented from reporting”. We invite those named in this article to provide us with comment and clarification after publication.

The report, titled Bell Pottinger Support for the Gupta Family and dated 24 January 2017, was from an unknown source and its reliability could not be established, so it soon slipped off the media radar.

However, the recently-leaked emails back up many of the report’s main allegations.

The report claimed that after signing a £100,000-a-month contract in March 2016 to shore up the Guptas’ reputation, the UK-based firm sought to deflect attention away from the families’ various scandals and involvement in state capture by manufacturing conspiracies and presenting the Guptas as pioneers of economic transformation.

The firm allegedly aimed to shift the public’s focus to other instances of interference in the state by ‘white capital’ – a claim corroborated the recent email leak.

Email correspondence shows that groups such as the MK Military Veterans Association and ANC Youth League, which have embraced the idea of a racist conspiracy against the Guptas, appear to have received PR assistance from Bell Pottinger in their campaigns to discredit the family’s critics and those of Jacob Zuma.

The two staunchly pro-Zuma organisations have been among the most vociferous in pushing the ‘white monopoly capital’ narrative.

*Listen to Micah Reddy discuss the Bell Pottinger article with 702’s Stephen Grootes.

In one email exchange, Bell Pottinger’s financial and corporate head, Victoria Geoghegan, supplies talking points for the ANCYL leader Collen Maine ahead of the League’s national rally on 7 February 2016.

Shortly after the rally then CEO of Gupta-owned Oakbay Investments, Nazeem Howa, forwarded a video of Maine’s speech to the Bell Pottinger team, who appeared pleased with the Youth League leader’s remarks.

One Bell Pottinger employee replied: “some very interesting remarks by the Youth Leader, and some good messages for us.”

Another wrote: “Am about 10 minutes in and see he has used one one of our statistics…and defended the family…which is good”, contradicting earlier claims by Bell Pottinger that their contract was with Oakbay and not the Gupta faamily.

In another set of emails from 6 February 2016, Geoghegan circulates a draft MKMVA press statement with additions and edits from Bell Pottinger staff.

The statement defended Gupta-owned Tegeta’s takeover of Glencore’s Optimum coal mine, which was later flagged in the Public Protector’s State of Capture Report.

The following day MKMVA leader Kebby Maphatsoe gave a strident defence of Tegeta and the Guptas, echoing the statement and claiming that the family were being smeared by the media and opposition parties.

About a month later the Bell Pottinger team drafted a strategy for public relations around the Optimum takeover which intended to “move the story on from allegations, to one about our strategy for Oakbay” (which owns Tegeta).

It subsequently emerged that massive political pressure was brought to bear on Glencore to sell the mine to the Guptas. AmaBhungane has previously reported that that state-owned power utility Eskom effectively handed a Gupta company R587-million to help fund the R2.15-billion purchase of Optimum.

The leadership of both the MKMVA and ANCYL are also backers of the Zuma faction’s favoured successor in the race for the ANC presidency, Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma.

According to the report on Bell Pottinger, shortly after the PR project was agreed to senior Bell Pottinger staff held a meeting with Jacob Zuma “at the behest of the Gupta family”.

At the meeting, Zuma allegedly requested the firm to help create an “advantageous” media environment for his anointed successor’s presidential ambitions.

The president is also said to have asked the firm to help manage the reputation of his son Duduzane, a business partner of the Guptas who is a non-executive director of one of the family’s companies, Shiva Uranium.

According to the report, a former partner at the firm alleged that: “Zuma said ‘there is one extra thing I would like done – the boy needs help with his reputation. Please do what you can to give him some help.’ By the boy, it was clear Zuma was referring to his son, Duduzane.”

The email correspondence, however, suggest that Duduzane played a more central role in recruiting the firm.

In a 19 January email addressed to Duduzane, the month before the alleged meeting with his father, Geoghegan begins: “It was a great pleasure to meet you in Johannesburg over the last couple of days – many thanks for sparing us so much time.”

Her email contains a briefing note outlining an initial project and the £100,000-a-month fee, excluding costs such as travel and accommodation.

The correspondence between the two sheds light on an attempt to appropriate the rhetoric of ‘economic emancipation’ and turn it into a clear, consistently repeated political message to advance the interests of the firm’s clients.

In an enthusiastic reply to Geoghegen, Duduzane requests assistance “whether it be in the designing and creating a hard hitting message along the lines of the #EconomicEmancipation or whatever it is.”

He then forwards the email conversation to Gupta brother Tony.

In the months after the contract with Bell Pottinger was signed, as Zuma and the Guptas faced increasing public scrutiny, an apparent online campaign gained momentum.

According to the report and numerous articles, an army of fake twitter bots was mobilised to turn public opinion against critics of the Guptas and those perceived to be hostile to their interests, such as then Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan and his deputy at the time, Mcebisi Jonas, and former Public Protector Thuli Madonsela.

AmaBhungane has reported that numerous Gupta-aligned websites sprung up at around the same time. Their routine attacks on critics of the family and the Zuma faction as ‘agents of white monopoly capital’ were amplified by the twitter bots.

Several of the websites were also traced to a Gupta employee.

A key figure in this online community is Andile Mngxitama, whose organisation Black First, Land First (BLF) has repeatedly come to the defence of Zuma and the Guptas.

The Bell Pottinger report specifically fingered BLF as a foundation that the firm backed in its Gupta PR campaign – a claim denied by Mngxitama at the time.

But it has now emerged in leaked emails from February 16 that Mngxitama went cap in hand to Oakbay’s Howa.

An email from Mngxitama to Howa refers to an earlier meeting between the two. Later that evening Howa writes to Atul Gupta saying “I met with this fellow. He wrote a good piece about us in the Sunday Indy this past weekend. He wants funding for his organisation. I explained that as business people, we have taken conscious decision to stay out of politics.”

Atul then forwards the email to Tony Gupta without a response.

It is unclear what the final outcome was but the BLF continue to be among the most devoted Gupta supporters, recently mobilising a counter-demonstration against anti-Zuma protesters outside the Guptas’ Saxonwold residence.

According to the report, a former Bell Pottinger partner claimed that the social media campaign was ultimately a failure.

Indeed the Gupta campaign caused major rifts within Bell Pottinger after other major clients – Investec and Richmont, of which billionaire Johann Rupert is chair – cut ties with the firm, reportedly because of its work with the Guptas and the targeting of Rupert as a symbol of ‘white monopoly capital’.

According to one former Bell Pottinger source, Geoghegan tried to “pull the Gupta account her way” and was determined not to let go of the Gupta campaign despite others wanting to can it.

This eventually led to a number of senior members splitting to form a new company.

In April of this year, in the face of growing public criticism, Bell Pottinger announced it was terminating its work with the Guptas.